Abstract Müller and Sternefeld (2000) propose a locality hierarchy of syntactic constraints such that {representational, derivational} < global < translocal < transderivational. We use formal methods to demonstrate that their hierarchy correctly assumes that higher constraint classes are more powerful, but we also show that for every class there are constraints that can be reduced to a constraint in a weaker class. These results have important ramifications for our conception of locality, the relation between representational and derivational theories, the status of reference set computation, and how constraints might be acquired.
@Misc{Graf09MASLposter,
author = {Graf, Thomas},
title = {Locality in Flux --- Reducibility Results for Syntactic
Constraints},
year = {2009},
note = {Poster presented at the Conference on Minimalist
Approaches to Syntactic Locality (MASL), August 26 -- 28,
Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences, Budapest, Hungary}
}