Abstract In prior work (Graf 2018), I have argued on computational grounds that movement is best understood by borrowing an idea from autosegmental phonology: specific elements of the syntactic structure are projected onto one or more tiers, and movement dependencies must be maximally local over these tiers. While this perspective is mathematically convenient, there is also a linguistic payoff in that tiers furnish new ways of analyzing empirical phenomena. This talk will give a whirlwind tour of phenomena that can be insightfully analyzed with syntactic tiers, with particular emphasis on island effects and extraction morphology (e.g. wh-agreement in Irish, where complementizers along wh-paths surface with a form that is distinct from the default). We will see how tiers naturally give rise to islands while still allowing for exceptions and gradience. And we will explore how the nature of tiers predicts the typology of extraction morphology observed in Georgi (2017): agreement reflexes may appear on the landing site, or on lexical items along the movement path, or on both, or on neither. I will also discuss what kind of phenomena are challenging for syntactic tiers, e.g. smuggling in the sense of Collins (2005), and how the limits of tiers push us to replace the Ban On Improper Movement with Stefan Keine’s (2016) notion of probe horizons. The general upshot is that syntactic tiers are a computationally simple and analytically flexible addition to syntacticians’ toolbox that can be applied to a variety of phenomena — who knows, maybe even the one you’re working on right now.