Why Movement Comes for Free Once You Have Adjunction

Graf, Thomas

Abstract This paper presents a novel answer to the question why Move might be an integral part of language. The answer is rooted in the computational framework of subregular complexity, which has already been fruitfully applied to phonology. The computational perspective reveals that Merge belongs to the class TSL (tier-based strictly local) if the grammar also allows for recursive adjunction. Any cognitive device that can handle this level of computational complexity also possesses all the resources that are needed for Move. In fact, Merge and Move are remarkably similar when viewed as instances of TSL. Consequently, Move has no additional computational or conceptual cost attached to it and comes essentially for free.

Files [pdf]

@inproceedings{Graf18CLS,
    author = {Graf, Thomas},
    title = {Why Movement Comes for Free Once You Have Adjunction},
    year = {2018},
    booktitle = {Proceedings of {CLS} 53},
    editor = {Edmiston, Daniel and
              Ermolaeva, Marina and
              Hakgüder, Emre and
              Lai, Jackie and
              Montemurro, Kathryn and
              Rhodes, Brandon and
              Sankhagowit, Amara and
              Tabatowski, Miachel},
    pages = {117--136},
}

More Output

One Reason to Move, a Million Reasons to Be an Island: Third-Factor Explanations from Computational Syntax
Fri 15 December 2017 | in Presentations |
| subregular hierarchy | syntax | tiers | selection | movement | adjunction | islands |

Graf, Thomas
Abstract Two linguistic findings are commonly taken for granted yet are anything but trivial:
1. Phrases can be displaced from their base position.
2. Some phrases block displacement.
On a technical level, these properties are hashed out in terms of movement and islands. From a …
read more
Models of Adjunction in Minimalist Grammars

Sat 16 August 2014 | in Papers |
| Minimalist grammars | adjunction | model-theoretic syntax | MSO | derivation trees | subregular hierarchy |

Graf, Thomas

Abstract Three closely related proposals for adding (cyclic) adjunction to Minimalist grammars are given model-theoretic definitions and investigated with respect to their linguistic and formal properties. While they differ with respect to their linguistic adequacy, they behave largely the same on a computational …
read more
Models of Adjunction in Minimalist Grammars

Sat 16 August 2014 | in Presentations |
| Minimalist grammars | adjunction | model-theoretic syntax | MSO | derivation trees | subregular hierarchy |

Graf, Thomas

Abstract Three closely related proposals for adding (cyclic) adjunction to Minimalist grammars are given model-theoretic definitions and investigated with respect to their linguistic and formal properties. While they differ with respect to their linguistic adequacy, they behave largely the same on a computational …
read more

More Output

links

contact